Guido Melis, Erk Volkmar Heyen:
Editorial, VII-XI
(Volltext: http://www.uni-greifswald.de/%7Elo1/ed17.htm)

I. Themenschwerpunkt

Peter Barberis:
Whitehall Mandarins and the British Elite Network, 1870-1945, 1-26

Britain's administrative elite is examined along with three other key groups: cabinet ministers, senior judges and Anglican bishops. Together, these 750 post holders between 1870 and 1945 constituted four of the central pillars of the British state. The reformers of the middle and later decades of the 19th century sought to establish a mandarin elite corps recruited by merit through open competitive examination. They were also keen to retain a high social character. There was, nevertheless, a marked decline in aristocratic connections among permanent secretaries, more so than among cabinet ministers or judges. The administrative corps did attract the intellectual high flyers, entry examinations being modelled upon those of Britain's two most prestigious universities, Oxford and Cambridge. This reflected the preference for a general rather than a technical education, a feature also of the other three groups.
By the interwar years, there was some dilution, or loss of homogeneity, among all four groups. In terms of fathers' occupations, permanent secretaries in particular were drawn from a wider range than were members of the other groups. At the same time the administrative elite became more insular in that few of its members had experience outside Whitehall. Members of all four groups continued to interact; and there remained some broad similarity in the backgrounds from which they were drawn. But after the Great War and certainly by 1945 it had become a somewhat looser network, the integrity of which may have come to rely more heavily upon shared values.
There was a strong public service ethos. Much rested upon convention, a typically British penchant. But when in the late 1920s the head of the civil service reluctantly issued a very rudimentary code of conduct it was perhaps an early indication that shared values could no longer be taken for granted. The mandarinate continued to enjoy prestige, influence and sometimes real power, while careful not to exceed its constitutional role. Yet it was becoming more narrowly drawn unto itself as a career corps, acutely conscious of the implications of democratic politics and perhaps beginning to lose just a little of its self-confidence.

Kevin Theakston:
The British Civil Service Elite: Permanent Secretaries since 1945, 27-49

Throughout the 20th century, much of the debate (among sociologists as well as in the political realm) about the social composition of the British civil service focused on new graduate entrants. Recruitment patterns in terms of social class, gender, school and university education, and academic subjects studied were pored over in detail in search of evidence of alleged bias and elitism. Yet arguably, it is at least as important to know who gets to the top of the administrative hierarchy as who starts on the bottom rung of the ladder, in the cadet grade. Not least the reason for this is that it is likely that key career experiences and prolonged socialisation into the Whitehall culture have probably done more to mould and shape the character, outlook, ethos and behaviour of the British civil service elite than the personal background factors like social origins, school education and university that have so often obsessed commentators and critics.
To this end, the article analyses the backgrounds and careers of the elite of the elite, looking at the 11 individuals who have held the most senior permanent secretary post in the British civil service in the post-1945 period: the head of the civil service. It then provides data and analysis of permanent secretaries' social backgrounds (including gender, race and class) and education (school and university). It goes on to consider the "route to the top" in terms of Whitehall career paths and administrative experiences. Finally, the article looks at appointment procedures and the issue of political influence over top-level appointments and promotions in Britain; it also briefly considers how the background and career-patterns of British permanent secretaries may change in the future.

Bernd Wunder:
Examination Principle and Nobility's Privileges: the Failure of an Elite Change in German Administration, 1806-1914, 51-83

The structure of the German administrative elite in the 19th century, composed of noblemen and bourgeois, is an old topic of social history. The older historiography is characterized by two faults: firstly, it defined the nobility only inexactly, and secondly, it lacked any analysis of the real impact of the examinations introduced in the constitutional reform process since the beginning of the 19th century. The article examines in detail the role of birth distinction and examinations in the career of top administrative personnel, from entrance to the high school up to the ultimate nomination. The main result is that in German state administration up to 1914 the attribute of noble birth prevailed over selection by examinations. This kind of patronage by refeudalization was especially alive in Prussia, where a special career for noblemen was established (Landrat-Regierungspräsident-Minister). Besides nobility, it was important to be a member of a student fraternity or a reserve officer, that means group specifics beyond individual merit as it was intended by the examination system. That the egalitarian effect of the latter was undermined can also be seen by the treatment of other groups marginalized in public administration (Jews, women, and – in Northern Germany – Catholics). Privileging the nobility can be seen as a manifestation of the "belated nation" Germany was at that time. But trickery was not a phenomenon limited to people of noble descent and conservative opinions. This became clear in the Weimar Republic, when democratic parties used similar dodges to bypass recruitment examinations.

Marie-Christine Kessler:
The Ambassadors of France in the Third Republic, 85-108

During the Third Republic diplomacy became institutionalized and professionalized. Although ambassadors were nominated by political authorities and for political reasons, they were usually chosen amongst senior civil servants. They were normally recruited through competitive state examination and made a carreer before reaching their functions as ambassadors. They were parts of social and intellectuals elites and of public authorities. At the time, ambassadors formed a small group, as there were few countries, mainly in Europe, involved in the diplomatic system. So they were main actors in the foreign policy-making process and played an important part in the communication between state leaders. Paul Cambon in London, Jules Cambon in Berlin and Camille Barrère in Rome played a key role before the First World War. A change occurred afterwards, due to the birth of conference diplomacy but also to the political and economical upheavals of the post-war period: bolshevism in Russia, fascism in Germany and Italy, civil war in Spain. Foreign Affairs ministers and Foreign Affairs departments increased in strength.

Hans-Ulrich Derlien, Florian Lang:
Administrative Elites in the Federal Republic of Germany and the Fifth French Republic, 109-147

Secretaries of state and division heads are the highest ranking civil servants in German ministries. They are the link between the spheres of politics and administration. Therefore, an unusually high number of them leave office after government changes. Altogether, though, this administrative elite's careers and biographies show a remarkable stability between 1949 and 1999. All secretaries of state and division heads in federal ministries of this period were studied. Their social and regional mobility as well as their vertical career mobility changed slightly. Also, women attained elite positions more often during the last decade. The same gradual changes can be observed in the administrative elite of the Fifth French Republic, also resulting from a strong path-dependency and very slow changes in the institutional and cultural framework. The analysis of the literature on French directeurs d'administration centrale revealed, of course, different recruitment and career patterns, but they were as stable as the German elite's. In both countries, though, intersectoral mobility in particular between administrative and economic positions has increased. The most pronounced difference exists with respect to geographical mobility: whereas in Germany, due to its federal structure, regular movements from provincial capitals to the federal capital are frequent, in France the entire career tends to be concentrated in Paris and the central institutions including the educational institutes.
Political repercussions, like major government changes in Germany and presidential or government changes in France, entail higher fluctuation in the administrative elite in both countries. The institution of temporary retirement and the disposition status open the doors for patronage. Before regular retirement, careers are interrupted (even if only temporarily); a concomitant increase in the change of political generations can be observed. Furthermore, it is argued that the state affinity of the German executive elite is produced through juridical education; administrative and political careers subsequently follow different paths, and only in exceptional cases are state secretaries appointed ministers or, as in the cases of Karl Carstens and Horst Köhler, even elected Federal President. In France, though, the system of grandes écoles, guaranteeing entry into the civil service, and of the grands corps provides the recruitment basis also for State Presidents and government members, fostered by the rule that executive office is incompatible with parliamentary mandate.

Pedro Tavares de Almeida:
Recruitment and Role of the Portuguese Administrative Elite: The Directors-General, 1851-1910, 149-168

In 19th-century Portuguese history, the year 1851 is a turning point: it closed decades of political turmoil and administrative disarray, and opened up a period featuring a lasting elite consensus and institutional continuity. Symptomatically called Regeneração (Regeneration), this new cycle was a crucial one for the consolidation and modernisation of the state apparatus, and the improvement (quantitative and qualitative) of its administrative capabilities. Also, it engendered the formation of a stable and proficient administrative elite, whose core group were the ministries' directors-general (a title disseminated in the late 1850s). The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of these senior officials, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração until the breakdown of Monarchy in 1910. The post of director-general was then considered one of "political trust", that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers' will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, high admnistration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and for a large number of them graduates of Coimbra University, and appointed to office in their forties.

Guido Melis:
The Administrative Elites in Italy since Unification, 169-198

The article examines the evolution of the features of Italy's administrative elites from Unification to the end of Fascism, with some final considerations regarding the present. In the first decades, as the studies of Pietro Saraceno on high mag-istrates show, there were homogeneous socio-economic origins, a significant gap between the highest and the lowest wage level, and a deep osmosis with the po-litical class. Only partially different were the cases of the councillors of state, who from 1890 became also administrative judges in a proper sense (a kind of an elite of the elites), the high ranks of the Army (a strongly hierarchical corps), the am-bassadors (aristocrats and mostly Piedmontese or Northern people), prefects (often part of the same political class), the top ministerial bureaucracy (not rich but well integrated in the national ruling class). In the following period, the so-called Giolitti Era, public administration grew in the number of employees and in the articulation and extent of functions. As a consequence nearly all the adminis-trations reduced the differences between the highest salaries and the lowest ones. At the same time the recent industrial take-off produced consequences for the state administration, which was used to distribute incomes towards those intellectual classes which lived in Southern Italy, far from the centre of the industrial re-volution. Thus the importance of administrative elites declined, with the exception of the councillors of state.
But it was the First World War that marked a decisive turning point. The linear structure which was based on ministries split and was recomposed around military functions with the creation of a first network of special administrations. Its new elite, composed in part of the old ministerial personnel but also of technicians who were drawn from industry and trade, was characterized by a strong aversion to-wards traditional bureaucracy. During Fascism the administrative elite were much less renewed than the "black shirt" movement had promised. The article examines in particular the case of the Consiglio di Stato where a generation of councillors with a pre-fascist culture prevailed. Anyway a series of laws, starting from the early 1930s, enormously increased the interference of the Fascist Party in the public administration. Besides the ministries there were other institutions, with political, economic and financial, or trade-union and corporative character where the Fascist party had a direct influence. An elite structurally different from the previous one arose, characterized by the versatility of its members (they had concomitant mandates in more fields) and by the intense relation with politics. However the traditional elites not only survived but also strengthened.

II. Varia

Kwang-Hoon Lee, Jos C.N. Raadschelders:
Between Amateur Government and Career Civil Service: The American Administrative Elite in Cross-Time and Cross-National Perspectives, 201-222

The American administrative elite is positioned between the career civil service and the elected executive officeholders and their political appointees. Initially, the American administrate elite was small and consisted of the chief clerk at the top of federal government departments. The continuous growth of government since the 1850s has considerably increased their numbers and their role. One response to that growth was to strengthen their position as experts and generalists since the early 1880s through a string of larger and smaller civil service reforms focused on improving professionalism and decreasing patronage. It is not until the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978, though, that a formal higher civil service (known as: Senior Executive Service) is created. While now a distinct group, they are by no means comparable to their counterparts in a variety of Western European countries. The second response to the growth of top civil servants was to check their influence by increasing the number of political appointee positions. This happened particularly since the Second World War. In this literature review article, the American administrative elite is presented as currently wedged between the political executive top and the normal career civil service. Available literature has not yet thoroughly clarified the administrative elite's policy influence and is lacking in the biographical and autobiographical research that would document their increased role.

François Frison-Roche, Svetla Stoeva:
The Transformation of Political and Administrative Elites in Bulgaria since 1990: Myth or Reality?, 223-242

After 15 years of transition, do Bulgarian political and administrative elites (tied together during the former totalitarian regime) accept the democratic "rule of the game" and social and political pluralism within public administration? This question in mind, the article outlines major traits in the recent development of the political and administrative elites in Bulgaria, especially recruitment rules and practices, and the formal and informal discourses about it. It also looks at the impact of the administrative reform adopted and implemented since 2000 under the pressure of the European Union. It asks whether this new law prevents the former habit of recruiting the administrative elite on political grounds and to what extent this elite acts under the pressure of shady yet powerful economic groups, that means within the framework of patron-client relationships. Thus, the article finally deals with the involvement of the present Bulgarian administrative elite in what it calls "economic predation" which has existed since the beginning of the transition in 1990 and is endangering the whole political-administrative system.

Erk Volkmar Heyen:
Russia's Senior Civil Servants in the Mirror of Gogol's "Dead Souls" and Tolstoy's "Resurrection", 243-259

Outstanding novels by observant and sensitive authors illustrating public administration do not only render our knowledge more concrete and vivid, and enrich our ability for critical analysis, but are also important elements of the long-standing and ongoing communication history that binds together, for good and evil, public administration and its societal environment. The image which the article draws of senior civil servants in 19th-century Russia as reflected in "Dead Souls" and "Resurrection", concentrates on three aspects: the connection between administrative rank and social impact; lifestyle; cognitive and normative standards. Although rather similar in their anti-bureaucratic attitude (opposing especially against corruption and shallow busyness) as well as in their mistrust of occidental, "enlightened" law, science, and professionalism, leading easily – as they see it – to alienation from traditional warmth and simplicity, the novels show different reactions. Whereas Gogol seems to content himself with displaying wit, irony and sarcasm, however embedded in some basic ease and love of vitality, allowing drollery and mockery without too strong a yearning for reform, Tolstoy provides his protagonist with fundamental indignation, especially as far as penal law and prison management are concerned. His fighting spirit draws inspiration and confidence – as is the case for Tolstoy himself (at odds, however, with the Orthodox Church) – from a Christian-ethical reasoning, denouncing hierarchical organizations where domineeringness and obsequiousness too often go together in suffocating true humanity. Gogol's critique, too, has a religious fundament although less visible in the novel analysed here.

III. Forum

François Monnier, Guy Thuillier:
The Role of Personalities in Administration, 263-280

The role of personalities in administration is seldom studied by specialists of administrative science and administrative history. In general, they prefer to interest themselves in institutions and their imagined destiny. However, administration is much more than an institution. Its offices are populated by individuals made of flesh and blood with diverse talents, experience and knowledge, who react each in their own way according to their own ambitions and individual intelligence, ordinary people or brillant characters, hard workers or dilettantes. How is one to study them in their diversity? How is one to recognise the role of personalities in the administration? What are the obstacles and the prejudices which make this research difficult? What criteria should be retained in order to understand the role of personalities in the life and functioning of administration? What objectives should the historian have in view? What sources may he/she rely upon? Such are the questions the article asks about and tries to answer.

Jean Pierre Dedieu:
Renewed Prosopography and Social Networks: State Officials in France and Spain (16e-18e c.). Ten Years of Publications, 281-295

In the 1970s and the 1980s, prosopography enriched our view of the history of administrative structures by driving our attention towards a personal factor which complemented the traditional institutional perspective. Following this lead, the French and Spanish historical communities subsequently gave ever greater importance to the personal and private interests of state officials as an explicative factor of their public practice; this in turn led to a growing awareness of the necessity of broadening the field of observation far beyond the classical limits of prosopo-graphical studies – still too much centred on the administrative career – so as to include every aspect of the characters' life. Understanding the logic of the various social fields in which individual actors and administrative institutions simultaneously act is growingly seen as an aim to achieve. This means, as the book review article outlines, a tremendous increase in the mass of data to process, compelling the historian to use new technical and conceptual tools, such as informatics or network theory, among others.

Stefan Brakensiek:
Recent Research on the History of Administration and its Personnel in the German States, 1648-1848, 297-326

The review article aims at a comparison of Prussia, Habsburg and the territorial states of the "third Germany". In all parts of the Holy Roman Empire from the 17th century onwards state officials enjoyed legal education at a university followed by years of practical experience as trainees in civil service or in a regiment. Thus, even before formal curricula were designated, the members of the administration of territorial states (which were widely congruent with the bench) could be characterized as a learned elite. Although their recruitment was notoriously influenced by patronage or nepotism, young officials normally satisfied professional standards, because supporting an insufficient candidate might bring shame on a "protector". Correspondingly, state officials tended to fulfil their duties in accordance with contemporary cultural norms. Whereas similarities in the structure of central and regional state authorities prevail, varying ideas of how a man of honour should act within the state apparatus seem to mark the main differences between Prussia, Habsburg and the smaller principalities.
Other considerable distinctions concerned local administration in the countryside. The two monarchies delegated local government to noble dignitaries, whereas the other princely states employed proper local officials. There, the so-called Amtmann guaranteed that princely orders were implemented in a more efficient way as a Prussian Landrat could manage. Therefore, the early modern police-state – well-meaning, all-regulating and thrifty – was realised in a more comprehensive way in the smaller and medium German principalities, while both greater powers first of all elaborated their means of fiscal and military extraction. These varying traditions may explain why the two monarchies made their peace with the separation of state and society more easily in the 19th century.

Klaus-Gert Lutterbeck:
The "Cahiers d'Histoire de l'Administration" of the "International Institute of Administrative Sciences" in Brussels, 327-349

The IIAS in Brussels is the centre of a worldwide network of administrative scientists, organizing world congresses and meetings of working groups dealing with crucial questions of present public administration. It is also well known for its "International Review of Administrative Sciences" and its comparative pub-lications. Since the early 1980s it has run a working group on administrative history and published its results in a series: the "Cahiers d'Histoire de l'Admin-istration", with eight issues so far.
After a short general presentation of the series, the review article focuses on three volumes, dealing with the following aspects of public administration respec-tively: the merit system (vol. 2/1987); representativity (vol. 3/1991); and the relationship between politics and administration at the top of the executive (vol. 8/1998). This selection is due to the interest in the history of political-admin-istrative ideas. The stress is on the political quality of developments or concepts characterizing the organisational structure of public administration. By political in this respect is understood that these organisation-related developments or concepts were or claimed to be influential on the processing of entire governmental systems or even social systems. In order to dig into the heart of these matters, special attention is paid to the normative underpinnings that are explicitly or implicitly involved. For example, the ill-reputed American spoils system (the antagonistic counterpart of nomination by merit) can emerge as just another way to implement the same normative premises: while the very idea of making merit the decisive criterion for nomination of public servants is rooted in the egalitarian and democratic tradition of the French Revolution, the American spoils system, too, is seen by top American authors such as F.D. Roosevelt as a procedure that enables the demos to participate. Finally, the article gives some hints for improving a synthetical approach in the perspective of a historical political science that regards public administration as a key element of political systems.

Anschriften der Verfasser, 363-364