Aufsätze

Marco Santini, The Tyrants’ Cousins. Ruling Practices and Political Concepts between Anatolia and Early Greece, 1-57
This paper addresses the vexed question of the origins and nature of archaic Greek tyranny by focusing on the conceptual roots of the phenomenon, namely by investigating the political significance and implications of the Luwian notion of tarrawanni- , ‘just, justice,’ the term from which Greek tyrannos is believed to derive. Firstly, the paper shows how both Neo-Hittite and early Greek societies display a similar attitude towards justice as a key element for political legitimation. After concluding, however, that this commonality is not enough to explain why the Greeks borrowed the concept of tarrawanni- as tyrannos , the paper moves on to examining what specific way of doing politics is captured by the two concepts, arguing that they identify a type of political actor that exercises supreme powers independently of any kind of institutional arrangement. Finally, the paper discusses reasons, modalities, contexts, and timing of the transmission of Luwian tarrawanni- into Greek.

Luke N. Madson, Amy C. Smith, _Oligarchia Revisited, 58-99_
This article revisits an ostensibly important monument in Classical Attic historiography: the so-called Tomb of Critias, as preserved in a scholium note in Aeschines’ “Against Timarchus” (1.39). We survey prior scholarly positions on the realia of this monument, suggest it is a fiction, and consider the possible sources for the hexameter verse associated with it. We argue that the poetic composition from which the entire tradition derives, rather than being an inscription on a tomb, may in fact be an oligarchic commemoration, perhaps an encomium or epitaphios logos recited at Eleusis in the aftermath of the fall of the Thirty. As such, the verse composition may allude to a historiographical tradition that viewed the Thirty as a subversive hetaireia/kōmos group led out to govern the unruly dēmos . The reception of this composition generates a ‘lieu de mémoire’ in the historical imagination of later readers. The composition offers a piece of comparanda for the political views expressed by other Athenians with pro-oligarchic tendencies, an extreme formulation that strongly contrasts with the extant writings of Critias, Plato, and Xenophon. In revisiting this short anecdote we highlight the relevance of both scholia and monuments in our understanding of Attic historiography.

Robert Morstein-Marx, Paradox of Voting: Extra-Urban Voters in the Late Roman Republic, 100-159
It is almost universally supposed on general principles that Roman citizens who did not live near the city of Rome were effectively disenfranchised by the logistical difficulty of traveling to the capital to vote, and thus that citizen participation in state decision-making was derisively small; this poses a difficulty for the ‘popular’ model of the functioning of the Roman Republic that has won considerable adherence in recent years. However, a systematic review of evidence for voting by citizens who lived around the peninsula and even for non-citizens’ travel to Rome before 90 BC to apply direct pressure on major votes, shows that distance did not present an insurmountable obstacle to meaningful participation in Roman political life by Italians and extra-urban citizens. It also demonstrates the great importance citizens attached to the vote (suffragium) – a guarantee of their freedom, and the key mechanism by which they influenced their political leaders. This in turn helps to clarify why many Italians, including those of modest means, would have desired Roman citizenship in the run-up to the ‘Social War.’

Francisco Pina Polo, Alejandro Díaz Fernández, Quaestorian _insignia on Roman Coins of the Late Republic, 160-178_
The reverses of several provincial issues minted by quaestors during the Late Republic bear a series of symbols that have traditionally been associated with the work performed by these magistrates overseas. They include objects such as the hasta , which presided over auctions as a sign of Roman authority over the goods sold, the capsa , which held administrative documents, and the sacculus , a symbol of the allowance that quaestors were expected to distribute among the troops. However, the most characteristic and striking object on these coins is without doubt a four-legged piece of furniture, the functionality of which has been the subject of much debate. In light of the numismatic evidence and the role played by quaestors in the Republican provincial administration, the aim of this work is to analyse the symbols present on these issues, as well as to determine, in particular, the function and classification of that piece of furniture, which should perhaps be identified as the sella or stool on which quaestors sat in the exercise of their duties at Rome and in the provinces, alike.

Alexandre Vlamos, Les citoyens romains à Cos du ier s. av. n.è. à 212 de n.è. Étude chronologique à partir d’un corpus prosopographique, 179-217
Résumé La riche épigraphie de Cos permet de constituer un corpus de 1192 individus disposant de la citoyenneté romaine entre le i er s. av. n.è. et 212 de n.è. Cet article propose une première analyse de ce corpus prosopographique en se concentrant sur la chronologie de la présence romaine à Cos et sur l’étude des noms romains pour évaluer la diffusion de la citoyenneté romaine en Orient. Le nombre de citoyens romains est important dès le i er s. av. n.è., avant d’exploser au i er s. de. n.è., puis de diminuer au ii e s. av. n.è. Le corpus de Cos présente une majorité de gentilice non-impériaux, ce qui laisse suggérer que c’est moins l’octroi de la citoyenneté romaine par les empereurs que l’installation de familles de negotiatores qui a diffusé la ciuitas Romana à Cos. Parmi les empereurs, si Claude a eu un rôle majeur dans l’octroi de la ciuitas Romana , il faut réévaluer à la hausse le rôle de César, Auguste et peut-être Tibère. Enfin, la citoyenneté romaine n’est pas restée au sein de l’élite, le corpus des inscriptions funéraires permettant de connaître un grand nombre de citoyens romains moins fortunés et éloignés des charges politiques.

Enrique Melchor Gil, Los primeros magistrados de las colonias y municipios de época cesariano-augustea en la Hispania Ulterior Baetica, 218-256
Resumen En este trabajo estudiamos los testimonios conservados de magistrados de colonias y municipios de la Hispania Ulterior Baetica que se datan entre el 49 a.C. y la muerte de Tiberio. Su objetivo es buscar captar, mediante un enfoque prosopográfico, los principales rasgos que caracterizaron a los miembros de este colectivo y resaltar los comportamientos sociopolíticos comunes de dicho grupo que fue el encargado de guiar los primeros pasos de las nuevas comunidades cívicas surgidas de los procesos de colonización y municipalización cesariano-augusteos. Igualmente, la documentación epigráfica y numismática generada en este periodo nos permitirá mostrar los momentos iniciales del proceso de formación de una nueva élite hispano-romana caracterizada por la mezcla e integración de Hispanienses e Hispani , que asumió el gobierno de las comunidades cívicas de la Bética y de la que pronto comenzarán a surgir “hombres nuevos” deseosos de promocionar a los ordines superiores y de ocupar puestos de responsabilidad en Roma y en la administración imperial.

Anna Arpaia, Σενέκα οὐσία: considerazioni circa la formazione della proprietà di Seneca in Egitto (e la datazione del soggiorno senecano nella provincia), 257-272
Riassunto Un indice delle fonti papirologiche relative alle proprietà possedute da Seneca il Giovane in Egitto è già stato fornito da Parássoglou, ad eccezione di un testo, ivi citato ma pubblicato e integrato successivamente. Quest’ultimo è particolarmente rilevante tra le fonti, e sarà qui analizzato contestualmente (SB XVI 12383). Alcuni nuovi dati di carattere cronologico, in particolare la rivista datazione del medesimo papiro, consentono di presentare una nuova ipotesi in merito ai tempi di formazione dei beni senecani (senz’altro prima del 55 d.C.); si sostiene la possibilità dell’acquisizione di proprietà in Egitto in data precedente alle presunte donazioni di Nerone, e si pongono in risalto gli elementi a favore di un interesse precoce per possedimenti locali, ovvero il soggiorno alessandrino e la produzione di un’opera giovanile – perduta – in tema di geografia e riti egiziani. Inoltre, si annovera la discussa datazione della prefettura d’Egitto dello zio di Seneca, Gaius Galerius, a favore di una ricollocazione cronologica del medesimo soggiorno di Seneca adolescente nella provincia, eventualmente più lungo di quanto precedentemente affermato, ovvero ante 19 d.C. – e/o comunque anteriore alla data di arrivo convenzionalmente accettata (21 d.C.) – e fino al 27 d.C. L’appendice si incentra sulla natura dei documenti più antichi relativi alla Σενέκα οὐσία (Σενεκανὴ οὐσία per i documenti post mortem<fnote>  L’uso di un aggettivo riferito all’οὐσία, ottenuto dal nome proprio mediante l’aggiunta del suffisso latino -ianus o -iana , in alternativa alla forma con πρότερον, è una modalità comune per definire un grande bene fondiario mediante un proprietario noto, precedente o originario, e vale dunque da segno distintivo o di riconoscimento (la forma Σενεκ(ι)ανὴ οὐσία è la più diffusa nei papiri, per la datazione della maggioranza delle fonti successivamente alla morte di Seneca).</fnote>), che siano coevi o di poco successivi alla morte di Seneca, e sull’inquadramento e la natura amministrativa del ruolo di ‘appaltatore’ (μισθωτής) di Tiberius Claudius Theon, incaricato della gestione complessiva delle proprietà di Seneca in Egitto, o quantomeno dei fondi ubicati nella circoscrizione dell’Ossirinchite.

Haggai Olshanetsky, Logistics and Crises: Understanding Roman Military Logistics and Procedures from the Unit Level and Upwards in 2nd to 4th Centuries CE Egypt Using the Surviving ‘Paperwork’, 273-304
The current article wishes to focus on receipts and reports from Roman Egypt in order to reconstruct the bureaucratic procedures in this region or, more precisely, the bureaucratic procedures of the Roman military logistical system, from the unit level and upwards. This examination will aid in understanding the complexity of the Roman system and the Roman mindset, while highlighting how the lack of modern technology was overcome to maintain a highly organised and vast Empire. This will strengthen and support the assumption that an office organising military supply and their records most probably existed at multiple levels; the nome, the province and Empire. Moreover, the article inspects whether the logistical system endured the many crises of the 2 nd and 3 rd centuries CE. As there was no significant change during or after these events, this may indicate the resilience of the Roman system. It could also suggest that some of these crises were not deemed as such by the Romans, and/or that the military structure, especially its logistical-bureaucratic side, was not blamed for these military disasters.

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